::: Regional Center for Strategic Studies :::

Like Sri Lanka, Nepal is also a multi-ethnic and multi religious society in addition to its caste and other divisions. In 1991, 86.51% of the population in Nepal were reckoned to be Hindus.7.78% of the population were Buddhists, and 3.53% were Muslims. Jains accounted for 0.04% while Christians accounted for a mere 0.17% (Central Bureau of Statistics 1996: 18).Compared to the rather long and extensive relationship Sri Lanka has had with Christianity spanning over 400 years, Nepal’s association with Christianity has been quite marginal until relatively recent times. One important reason for this lack of missionary success in Nepal until recent times, is due to the fact that the land-locked country was effectively closed to foreigners until 1951, and also due to Nepal’s interesting position as the only country in South Asia, which was not directly colonized by a European power. Even then, European missionaries had been making intermittent appearances since the 1600s. The first non Asian to enter Nepal was the Jesuit priest John Cabral in 1628 on his way to Bengal from Sighaste.Initially, it was the Catholic church which attempted to make inroads into Nepal.Many of them were interested in locating the fabled lost Christian communities in Tibet, and as such the early interest was in reaching and establishing themselves in Tibet, and not in Nepal.So for this reason the Jesuits had established a church in western Tibet in 1626, and another in eastern Tibet in 1628. Consequent to the suppression of the Jesuit order by Rome, the responsibility for Tibet was vested in the Capuchin Order in 1703, and it was the Capuchins who first established a permanent or semi-permanent presence in Nepal. Their attention was diverted to Nepal after they experienced strong Lamaistic opposition. The first Capuchins to arrive in Nepal were two missionaries in February 1707 on their way to Tibet (Lindell 1997: 2).This initial mission to Tibet failed, and from the lessons learned from that failure, a reorganized plan was formulated in 1714, according to which inter-connected support mission stations were to be established in five locations, including Kathmandu (Lindell 1997: 6).Thus in 1714, the King of Kathmandu Kingdom gave permission for the Capuchins to stay, and event went to the extent offering them a rent free house, and permission to operate in his kingdom (Lindell 1997: 15). But they were expelled in 1722 on suspicion of being spies, causing plagues and being religiously inauspicious (Lindell 1997: 16).

In time, the Capuchin missionaries also negotiated with the ruler of the adjoining kingdom of Bhatgaon and received the kind of permission and guarantees they had earlier acquired in Kathmandu (Lindell 1997: 15-16).This was particularly necessary due to their expulsion from Kathmandu.But this mission had to be closed down soon because the missionaries had to leave due to ill health (Lindell 1997: 16). After that, for a period of six years there was no missionary presence in Nepal.In 1737, some activity was seen again when the Capuchins were invited again into their kingdoms by the rulers ofBhatgaon and Kathmandu, and seven years later also to Patan. In any event, after 1714, during a time period of over 50 years about20 Capuchin expeditions came to the missions in KathmanduValley during which time 29 Capuchin missionaries lived there (Lindell 1997: 15-17).Soon after their return to Bhatgaon and Kathmandu in 1737, the rulers of of both kingdoms offered them an interesting document called a “Decree of Liberty and Conscience.” The document from the king of Bhatgaon dated 18th November 1737 is indicative what the decree offered:

“We, Jaya Ranajita Malla, King of Bhatgaon, in virtue of the present document, grant to all European Fathers leave to preach, teach, and draw to their religion the people to us subject, and we likewise allow our subjects to embrace the Law of the European Fathers, without fear or molestation either from us or from those who rule in our kingdom. Nor shall the Fathers receive from us any annoyance, or be obstructed in their Ministry. All this, however, mustbe done without violence and of one’s own free will” (Lindell 1997: 25).

In 1744, the King of Patan also invited the Capuchins to his Kingdom and offered the above kind of freedom orally, in addition to a permanent gift of a house for their activities (Lindell 1997: 26). But when King Prithivinarayan Shah unified the small kingdoms in Nepal under his hegemony, including those in the Kathmandu Valley, the fortunes of the Capuchins changed drastically and decisively.In 1767 the ruler of Kathmandu requested the help of the British in Bengal to protect his kingdom and drive away the forces of King Prithivinarayan Shah. The British expeditionary forces were decimated and driven back by Prithivinarayan forces.Prithivinarayan strongly suspected that the Capuchins played a role in getting the British involved on behalf of the rulers of the Kathmandu valley, and in fact there is some evidence that they did request some British help (Lindell 1997: 36).

As a result of this state of affairs, the land grants, freedoms and other facilities granted to the Capuchins by the Malla kings were withdrawn by the new rulers. Thus the Capuchins decided to leave the country in the light of the new political developments, and permission was granted in February 1769 for them to evacuate.A group of about 60 Nepali converts were led out of the country by one Capuchin priest, and the other priests also left soon afterwards (Lindell 1997: 36-37). This groups of converts mostly settled in and around the town of Bettiah in Bihar (Lindell 1997: 37, Himal 1993, 38, Perry 1997). In retrospect, despite the intermittent presence of Capuchins in Nepal since the 1700s, and their ability to sometimes operate under royal patronage despite some reversals, their overall influence in the long run has been less than marginal. For instance, some have suggested that the Capuchins were only able to convert about 80 adults during their presence in Nepal, in addition to numerous dying children they managed to baptize at the time of their deaths (Himal 1993: 38). Moreover, after their expulsion from the valley, what remained of their institutional presence also disappeared (Lindell 1997: 37).

On the other hand, after their expulsion “Nepal was devoid of any resident Christian mission or national presence until the mid 20th century” (Perry 1997: 17). In other words, after 1769 there was effectively noChristian presence in Nepal until the early 1950s. This was part of the policy of isolation adopted after the Anglo-Nepali war and the subsequent treaty in terms of which Nepal lost much territory to British India (Lindell 1997: 40-41). This policy was pursued further under the hegemony of the Rana Regime after Jung Bahadur Rana captured state power in Nepal in 1846 by restricting the powers of the Kings, and turned them into puppet rulers who could not leave the country. In effect, what this meantwas the establishment of an oligarchical system of hereditary prime ministers dominated by the Rana family which lasted until 1951 when the Ranas were over-powered.

The collapse of the Rana Regime in 1951, and the establishment of a new government marked the second opening for Christianity in Nepal. In July 1951, Jesuit priest M.D. Moran opened St. Xavier’s School for boys with 60 students.In January 1955, St. Mary’s School for girls was opened also by the Jesuits (Lindell 1997: 126-128). These schools became the earliest examples of missionary-led education in Nepal. In addition, these two schools in particular became the centers of schooling for the children of the elite in Nepal, particularly in Kathmandu.Similarly, in 1952 the International Nepal Fellowship became the first large scale evangelical outfit to operate in Nepal in the Post Rana period, and was soon followed by the United Mission to Nepal in 1954 (Lindell 1997, UMN & INF 1990). Since the early 1950s when Christianity made a second entry into Nepal, both Catholic and non Catholic evangelical groups have grown in institutional terms as well as in the number of adherents.But the phenomenal growth of the evangelical presence began only in the 1990s.

Prior to placing in context and analyzing the dynamics of evangelical Christianity in Nepal, it seems to methat it would be useful to take into account the evolution of legal and legislative frameworks governing the activities of religious groups which may impact upon the activities of not only evangelical groups, but other religious groups as well.The state religion in Nepal is Hinduism, and it is the only country in the world which is officially designated as a Hindu Kingdom. That designation alone becomes a great political burden in the minds of many Nepalis, particularly the more articulate nationalists in the capital. They believe that the essential Hinduness of their kingdom is being threatened by non Hindu external influences, by which most of them refer to Christianity. Thus one of the contexts in which the legislative and legal frameworks governing religion as well as the reactions to evangelism have to be understood is, the political logic of Nepal as the self designated Hindu Kingdom. In this context, I would like to present clauses 1 and 2 of Chapter 16 of the Nepal Penal Code of 1956 which deals with “Crimes with Regard to Religion” (Nepal Gazette, Part 4, No 17, September 1956):

1) None must purposefully spread or preach foreign religions such as Christianity, Islamism, etc., and must not convert anyone of Hindu race with the purpose of trespassing into the traditional religion of the Hindu race in the Kingdom of Nepal. Those who commit such things and those who convert or are converted into said religions are guilty.

2)If one attempts to spread religions or to convert any one as stated in sub-clause (1) of this clause, he is liable to three years imprisonment.If the perpetrator of this crime is an alien, he will be expelled from the country. The person who has attempted to take a foreign religion, will be fined one hundred rupees. If he has been already converted, having completed the course of punishment within one year, he must join the untouchable class of the Hindu race.

Clearly, in so far as freedom of religion is concerned these are extremely restrictive provisions, which cannot be understood within a democratic idiom.But the provisions make a great deal of sense in the context of the authoritarian structure of governance which wrote such provisions into law, particularly when placed in the light of Nepal’s political legacy as a Hindu Kingdom. A person who has converted, in addition to a prison term will also be declared as an untouchable, the most degrading punishment that can be given to an individual in Hindu religious scheme of justice.Interestingly however, none of these provisions seems to touch Buddhists or other non-Hindus.The “crimes,” as perceived in these clauses, seem to refer to attempts to convert Hindus, or Hindus being converted.Buddhists, Jains and Muslims do not figure in this scheme of things, which invariably reflects the preoccupation with Nepal’s Hinduness.It is also in this context that one has to place clause 14 of part 3 of the 1962 constitutiondealing with “Fundamental Duties and Rights”:

“14 )Right to religion: Every person may profess his own religion as handed down from ancient times and may practice it having regard to the traditions.Provided that no person shallbe entitled to convert another person from one religion to another.”

Here, while there is no direct reference to Hinduism, the references to traditions and historical continuity of one’s religion, by implication refers to Hinduism, and also in the absence of specifications to other more entrenched religious traditions in Nepal such as Buddhism.But in any event, there is no room for an individual to change his or her religion.After a revision in 1963, Part 4, Section 19, Article 1 of Nepal’s National and Civil Law Code makes the following provisions with regard to religion:

1)No person shall propagate Christianity, Islam or any other faith so as to disrupt the traditional religion of the Hindu community in Nepal, or to convert any adherent of the Hindu religion into these faiths.A sentence of imprisonment for three years shall be awarded to any person attempting to convert another. In case conversion has already been effected, imprisonment for six years shall be awarded to the person converting another. If the case is against a foreign citizen he shall, in addition be expelled from the country. In case any adherent of the Hindu religion converts himself into any of the above mentioned religions, he shall be imprisoned for a maximum period of one year; and if he is a foreign citizen he shall in addition be expelled from the country.In case only an attempt has been made to be converted, a fine of Rs. 100 shall be imposed. In case conversion has already been effected, it shall beinvalidated, and such person shall remain in his Hindu religion.

Here once again, one can clearly see the preoccupation with Nepali Hinduness, and the severe restrictions imposed upon religious mobility has to be understood in the context of perceived threats to the continuity of that Hindu identity.In terms of the new Civil Code instituted in Nepal in 1992 (Nepal Gazette, Part 2, Section 42), the law governing religious freedom was amended in the following fashion:

1)No person shall propagate any religion in a manner likely to undermine another religion, or convert any one into another religion. In case he has only made an attempt to do so, he will be punished with imprisonment not more than three years. In case he has already converted any one into another religion, he shall be punished with imprisonment for not more than six years. If he is a foreign national, he shall be deported from Nepal after completing such sentence.

In case any person does anything which undermines any religious place or religious function, he may be punished with imprisonment for not more than three years, or with a fine of not more than Rs. 3000.00 or with both.

What is interesting here is that in the 1992 revisions the overt preoccupation with Hinduism has been removed to make room for more general provisions. Thus no one can propagate any religion which may undermine another. But still, the punishments recommended for conversion and encouraging conversions continue to be quite severe.Clauses 1 and 2 in part 3 (“Fundamental Rights”), section 19 (“Right to Religion”) ofthe 1990 constitution also makes references to religion, and to the nature of mobility available to a person to convert from one religion to another:

“1. Every person shall have the freedom to profess and practice his own religion as coming down to him from perennial past with due regard to the traditional practices. Provided that no person shall be entitled to convert another person from one religion to another.

2. Every religious community shall have the right to maintain independent existence, and for that purpose to manage and protect its religious sites and trusts.”

What is evident here is that individuals seem to have religious freedom.For instance, they can practice any religion that they have inherited from the perennial past, even though the length of that past is not defined. On the other hand, while it is still illegal for an individual to convert another, there is nothing to stop an individual from converting himself. But even in that case, clause 1 above referring to religion as something that must come from the perennial past, may easily preclude that. But in contemporary Nepal, irrespective of the above possibility, there is no state intervention to investigate or punish individuals who in theory bring upon their own conversion to Christianity from Hinduism, Buddhism or some other religion.The risk of punishment in practice is faced by foreign or local missionaries who engage in overt proselytizing.

But what is important to take into account is that, due to the extremely restrictive regulations governing religion, the gains of Christianity ingeneral (evangelical or otherwise) were minimal prior to the 1950s. But their collective gains after 1990 are much more substantial. For instance,according to unofficial estimates there seem to have been a mere 50 professed Christians in the country in 1950. That number in 1990 had arisen to 25,000 or 35,000. In addition, there were 30 people in prison on conversion related charges, and another 200 had cases pending in different courts for similar charges (Shah 1993: 35).By 1993, the number of baptized Christians reportedly surpassed 100, 000 mark, while some Christian sources suggest that there is a similar number of “secret believers” (Shah 1993: 35). One major reason for the increase in numbers is the relaxation of legal hurdles, which earlier seriously restricted religious mobility.

As the description above would indicate, one important socio-political context to situate the expansion of evangelism in Nepal is the relaxation of the legal restrictions governing religious mobility.This has ensured that a significant expansion has occurred not only in the overall numbers of individual Christians, but also in the institutional presence and influence of the collective evangelical movement.For instance, in 1993 there were 150 different evangelical or Protestant churches organized under the umbrella organizationNepal Christian Fellowship (Shah 1993: 37). Similarly, in 1990 the United Mission to Nepal alone brought together 37 separate evangelical churches from about 16 countries (UMN and INF 1990). In 1997 that number had increased to 50 churches or church related organizations from 16 countries (Metzler 1997).Similarly, in 1990 the International Nepal Fellowship claimed to have 100 members from approximately 15 countries with home councils in Australia, Holland, New Zealand, the Philippines, and so on (UMN & INF 1990).By 1993, Christian sources suggested that there were at least one church in each of the 75 districts in Nepal, and in the same year the Kathmandu Valley alone is supposed to have had 100 churches and congregations (Shah 1993: 35).Some evangelical sources have suggested that there are at least 80 churches in the Kathmandu Valley (Good News of Nepal, ND: 6).Nepali Jesuit sources in interviews suggested that the number of evangelical churches and para-church groups in the country in 1998 were over three hundred, even though it was not possible to acquire accurate figures from them or evangelical sources. On the other hand, Fr. John Locke of the Nepali Jesuits believes that in numbers alone, the collective congregations of evangelical/ Protestant Christians now outnumber Catholics in Nepal despite Catholicism’s much longer institutional presence in the country. An incomplete list of these church and para-church groups would include the following, some of which are organized under umbrella organizations such the United Mission to Nepal and the Nepal Christian Fellowship:

Another important consideration for the expansion of the evangelical movement in Nepal is the availability of large resources as alreadyreferred to earlier. On the other hand, Shah in a 1993 essay has argued that the “proddings of some Western governments have also influenced the growth of Christianity in Nepal by tempering official attitudes” (Shah 1993: 36).He refers to a resolution passed by the US Congress in June 1991 requesting the interim government which ruled Nepal at the time to ensure that the freedom of religion also include the “freedom “to change one’s religion or belief and the freedom, in public or private, to manifest one’s religious belief in teaching, practice, worship and observances” (Shah 1993: 36).Moreover, according to Shah, along with this request “subtle hints were dropped about a drop in the aid flow if Nepal continued its anti-church posture” (Shah 1993: 36).Moreover, on other occasions, the US government has shown more direct affinity with the collective evangelical movement in Nepal through symbolic associations.For instance, in 1993 when President Clinton attended the annual Prayer Breakfast in Washington along with Christian leaders from around the world, senators, congressmen and members of the diplomatic corps, Nepali Pastor Simon Peter (earlier known as Ram Saran Nepal) was also invited to attend in recognition of his “outstanding contribution in the Pentecostal movement through the Four Square Church” (Shah 1993: 36).

But the expansion of the evangelical movement in Nepal cannot be explained in a simplistic manner adopting a reductionist approach which would privilege one factor over another.Clearly, all of the factors outlined above played significant roles in the overall process of this expansion.But nevertheless what is more important is to place in context the socio-political reasons which may have aided this process of expansion in such a short period of time, a process that could not take place in the early years of Capuchin interventions. Like in the case of Sri Lanka, one of the major problems that would immediately confront an academic investigation of this process is the total lack of scholarly literature on the subject. Instead, one could only find literature produced by various evangelical groups, which generally deal with their activities from their own point of view or propaganda tracts and newspaper articles produced by those who oppose the evangelical presence. Most of this latter group consist of Hindu nationalists. On the other hand, many city-based professionals including sociologists who complain about the prevailing situation, or have an opinion about it, can at most produce anecdotal comments and narratives rather than considered opinions.Thus, until serious research is undertaken, and carried out over an extended period of time, this lack of knowledge would always be a problem in the process of understanding the dynamics of evangelical Christianity in Nepal.

As opposed to this lack of formal academic or scholarly knowledge, there are numerous informal sources of knowledge, which mostly constitute of ordinary people’s narratives about conversions and evangelical activities.Many such narratives clearly point to a reality that is seldom acknowledged by the critics of the new religious dynamism, but nevertheless is important in understanding these dynamics. That is, in addition to the availability of resources, the liberalization of politics and the opening up of the country to external influences there were other much more compelling reasons within Nepali society which have created a space for the collective evangelical project to operate and succeed.In other words, existing socio-political and economic conditions made some people in society quite receptive to the activities of evangelical groups. Much of these conditions are located in the poverty, lack of access to essential services, and the nature of hierarchical social organization in Nepali society. Nepal is the poorest country in South Asia, with a per capita income below US $ 200.00.In addition, about 40 percent of the people live below the poverty line (IDEA 1997: 9). Summarizing these kinds of conditions, Shah has observed that “poverty stricken, populous Nepal was ripe with possibilities for the missionary” (Shah 1993: 36). He argues further:

“---the success of the proselytizers might also be a simple case of people responding to need and poverty.Case to case, free medical treatment, scholarships, employment, or even a change of clothes and a meal might work as an adequate incentive for adopting another religion” (Shah 1993: 36).

Of course, the material or monetary based explanations of conversion usually come as an allegation from those who oppose evangelical activity.It is however, under-emphasized by those who engage in such activity.But the point is that, in the context of both Sri Lanka and Nepal, that reality cannot be forgotten.In other words, money and the ability to offer scarce resources are important factors in evangelical activity.What is clear is that in 1998, the activities of evangelists were being vehemently opposed by a number of groups as well as individuals representing both Hindu and Buddhist religious interests, and some Catholics as well.Many of the complaints however, were not focused on the development oriented work of the evangelists, but on what some critics have termed ‘out right conversion.’ As in the campaign against evangelical activity and conversions in Sri Lanka, in Nepal also a number of groups have called for state intervention in controlling or banning the activities of evangelical groups.It is then in this context that the following demands of the National Executive Committee of the World Hindu Federation (Vishwa Hindu Mahasangh) should be understood:

“A Ministry of Religion and Culture must be formed in order to check the anti-Hindu propaganda being conducted by international non-governmental organizations. Political parties should pledge to protect the Hindu religion in their manifestoes --- Several actions must be taken to check attacks on the Hindu religion”(Kantipur, 26 February 1998. Quoted in Nepal Press Digest, Vol. 42, No. 10, 9 March 1998).

The reference to anti-Hindu propaganda by international NGOs is an indication of the emergence of an anti evangelical strain in the polemics of Nepali politics. Given the entrenched nature of the evangelical movement in Nepal, many in fact work through NGOs. Moreover, many churches or para-church groups are operationally organized in much the samemanner as an ordinary NGO would be. On the other hand, the insistence that political parties should pledge to protect the Hindu religion in their party manifestoes is an attempt to take the issue of proselytizing and conversions beyond the state structures into the realm of national politics in general. In other words, the demand here is to make a pro-Hindu position an essential pre-requisite in politics in Nepal. Interestingly however, the concern here is only towards Hinduism, and not towards Buddhism or any other belief system in the country. Other demands from the World Hindu Federation include the following:

“HMG (His Majesty’s Government) should make arrangements for free teaching of five percent of children living below the line of poverty in private educational institutions. Actions should be taken against organizations which are engaged in missionary activities --- The Sanskrit language and culture should be included in the curricula of educational institutions” (Gorkhapatra, 3 March 1998).

Here again, the demands made can be considered as those that the Hindu opponents believe would weaken the evangelical movement, and strengthen their own position. For instance, the demand that free teaching should be made available in private educational institutions for five percent of children living below the level poverty is not merely an effort to improve educational access of poor Nepali children. More importantly, it is also an attempt to gain Hindu access to educational institutions run by evangelical or Catholic groups. While such educational institutions may not bar non Christians from registering in their schools, there is a strong perception that discrimination does take place in these schools. In some cases this accusation may in fact be correct. Moreover, the demand that Sanskrit be taught in schools is based on the belief that Sanskrit is the traditional language of the Hindu religion. As one middle class Nepali government official based in Kathmandu linked to the Wold Hindu Federation explained, “If they can ask our children to study the Bible in their schools, why cannot we as the majority, demand that they study Sanskrit? In fact, we should insist that they study the Vedas in their schools, if they want to remain here.”The politics of religion reflected in such demands and antagonisms tend to continue. Thus in July 1998 the World Hindu Federation Unit in the Jhapa District decided to:

“mobilize youths for the protection and promotion of the Hindu religion and culture in the face of efforts made by Christian missionaries to convert poor and innocent Nepalis into Christianity through economic allurements” (Gorkhapatra, 31 July 1998).

It is clear that at a certain level, anti-evangelical politics in Nepal is gaining a certain momentum in national politics. Such momentum coupled with confrontational tactics such as the mobilization of youth referred to above, can pave the way to violence, which at the moment remain fundamentally at the level of conflict formation. At this point, it seems to me that it would be useful to look into the dynamics and the modes of operation of the collective evangelical movement in Nepal by focussing on their most significant activities.

In general, one reason for the relative success of evangelical groups in Nepal has been their abilityfrom very early times to correctly figure out the proper strategies to adopt to pursue their goals. In this context it is very clear that in Nepal many evangelical groups have placed a high premium on health and medical care activities.Evangelical activity throughout South Asia as elsewhere is not simply a matter of preaching or distribution of literature. Such procedures, while quite important, are too didactic in themselves to succeed. They have to be accompanied by other more pragmatic activities clearly rooted in the routine issues people have to deal with in their daily lives. In other words, such activities are the mediums through which the overall agenda of the evangelical movement will be channeled. In this sense, I would suggest that health care and medical services are among the most important mediums of evangelical activity in Nepal.

This emphasis on medical care and health services makes perfect sense in a country where such services are not well established or access limited, particularly in the remote areas.This general lack of access to medical services in the country is typified by the ratherlopsided doctor patient ratio. For instance, it is estimated that for every one doctor in Nepal there are 12, 612 people. For India this figure is 2, 165 people per one doctor (RCSS 1998: 8).That comparison alone would be sufficient to indicate the general picture of the health-care system in the country. Then it is no surprise that many of the evangelical groups initially entered the country in order to carry out medical or related services. Many of them are still engaged in such activities. The other reality is that given the long-term interests and planning evangelical groups have had in the health-care system and the availability of funds, they have also established some of the best hospitals and medical services in the country.

Let me take the activities of the United Mission to Nepal (UMN)as an example of how important medical and health-care services havebecome in its overall activities. UMN was officially established in 1954, three years after the country opened up its borders to external influences.But in the initial period it was specifically known as the United Medical Mission, and under that name was active even in the period 1951-52 when it was asked by the Nepali government to commence operations in Nepal by initiating hospital projects, health services and clinics (Lindell 1997: 235, UMN & INF 1989-1990). Even though its interests soon diversified, the initial interests in health and medical services remained, first with an emphasis on curative medicine, which later led to an emphasis on preventive care through community health programs (UMN & INF 1989-1990).Officially, in so far as medical and health care is concerned, the mandate of the UMN is to assist the Ministry of Health in Nepal in “planning, managing and providing health-care to the people of Nepal” (UMN & INF 1989-1990).UMN’s medical and health-care activities are organized under its Health Services Department. Currently it runs four hospitals in Amp Pipal/Gorkha, Okhaldhunga, Patan/Lalitpur and Tansen/Palpa.In addition, it also conducts a number of community health-care programs in association with local base hospitals.Other programs include, the operation of a nursing training institute, a medical supplies department, a drug abuse prevention program, an oral health program, and a mental health program (UMN & INF 1989-1990).

Similarly, the International Nepal Fellowship which started operations in 1952, initially as the Nepal Evangelical Band, also has a serious involvement in providing health-care. For instance, INF works with government medical services in leprosy and tuberculosis control programs (UMN & INF 1989-1990).To this end, it runs the Green Pastures Leprosy Hospital based in Pokhara, which provides reconstructive surgery, rehabilitation and orthopedic appliances and services for patients. In addition, through field operations in collaboration with the government, INF also operates regional and sub-regional referral centers, as well as case finding and defaulter tracing services (UMN & INF 1989-1990).The INF also has a tuberculosis control program coordinated through its regional office in Surkhet. The programme, which operates in Mid Western Nepal offers such services as case finding and defaulter tracing (UMN & INF 1989-1990). In addition to the UMN and INF, a number of other evangelical groups also offer medical services.These include the Seventh Day Adventists who initiated a hospital in 1957 in Banepa. Similarly, the Evangelical Alliance Mission (TEAM) took over an existing clinic in Dadeldhura in the far west in 1968, and developed it into a hospital (Shah 1993: 39).

But the provision of health care and medical services is not merely a lofty ideal of social service. As I have stressed earlier, it is an avenue of evangelical activity as well. Let me make this point by referring to aconversation I had with a European development worker with extensive field experience in Nepal:

“In Dadeldhura in the far west of Nepal there is a hospital run by the TEAM (The Evangelical Alliance Mission).It is an area where people in some villages have to walk for a couple of days to reach any kind of health services. The guys at the TEAM hospital I think are very strong on evangelical activity.It is the primary reason why they are there. They not only treat people in the hospital but venture into the remote areas with medicines regularly. That helps a lot of people. You pop some antibiotics in the mouth of a villager and he gets well. And they would say that it was God who did the healing --- Just imagine, what that kind of gesture does to people who have for all practical purposes seem to have been forgotten by everyone else, including their own government?They continue to get some access to health and medical services, and the process of conversion goes a long way in establishing this link of help.”

In the final analysis however, the provision of medical services and health care makes a significant difference to large numbers of people who ultimately benefit from them. In this context, I would like to make a limited attempt to assess how ordinary people perceive the issue of health care, and evangelical intervention. Let me begin by referring to a conversation I had with a 28 year old Tamang man who lives in a village in Kaure District in Nepal.After getting to know that I was interested in talking to local Christians, he wanted to talk to me about a group of 35-45 Christians who lived in areas between his village and the town of Bhaktapur. He knows some of them personally. The relevant part of his narrative unfolds as follows:

“I am a Buddhist.But since I work for Brahmins now, I engage in some Hindu practices as well. Near my village, people who convert are mostly over 30 years. People say that they do not get sick after they convert. Once they become Christians we do not mix much with them.”

A number of observations made by this man are quite significant in this brief narrative, which is a narrative from a person who has observedconversions, but has not converted himself. For one, despite his admission of religious syncretism in the way he practices his routine rituals, he is very clear that he and his fellow villagers do not mix with those who have become Christians.Suddenly, neighbors and friends seem to have become strangers. Thus in a social context such as this, to renounce one’s faith which is still shared by one’s neighbors, friends and kin, and to become a Christian for whatever reasons is not an easy decision to make. Such decisions are wrought with fear, guilt, stress, and the constant worry of being ostracized. Thus to come to such decisions, certain basic ideological/ spiritual, institutional and material requirements must be met.Part of the logic of conversion is located within these requirements.

Second, despite the fact that he is wary of those who convert, he is convinced, as are his fellow villagers that the converts do not become sick after their conversions. Here there are clear references to both ostracization after conversion, and also an admission of a belief that people who convert become healthy. To my question whether people in his vicinity often fall sick, the man simply said, “they are always sick.”This narrative, in many ways is typical of the kind of narratives one may encounter from someone who has not converted in any site of evangelization. Conversion narratives or counter-conversion narratives, whether in Nepal or elsewhere always contain a certain set of “rationales.”These are the rationale of the person who converted and the rationale of those around that person who did not convert. Much of the dynamics of conversions can be understood by focussing on these twin rationales. As we would see later in this analysis, the conversion narratives and existing field information clearly suggest that in Nepal, practical, routine and mundane considerations seem to have played an important part in prompting people to convert to evangelical Christianity than due to clearly articulated ideological or spirituals awakenings. Thus for the people referred to in the above narratives, a healthy life was perhaps much more important than reaching any clearly articulated spiritual goal.

To their credit, evangelical activists have been quick to recognize not only existing conditions in Nepali society that would serve as a context for their activities, but also how to address them in a manner that would allow the overall evangelical project to succeed in the long run. For one, along with the resources already mentioned, they have also brought with them to Nepal an efficient system of planning, organization and operation. In the case of some groups, this means that ambitious programs have been initiated. Some such programs have not been focused on the present, but the future.For instance, the Nepal Every Home Concern has targeted to reach every home in Nepal with the word of God by year 2000.To achieve its goal, the group had trained 1, 200 students in evangelical work in 1992 alone (Shah 1993: 36). Similarly, as part of the “AD 2000” project, the overall evangelical movement hopes to provide a Bible to every household and establishing a church in every Village Development Committee area by year 2000 (Rokaya 1996: 30).In the same vein,interested evangelical workers anywhere in the world can visit the website the Joshua Project 2000-Unreached People Profile, which will inform you about groups of people in Nepal (and other countries) who need to be accessed by evangelical groups. Thus for instance, talking about the Thami people, the website (www.ad 2000.org) informs browsers that no church planting (establishment of churches) has taken place in the area inhabited by the Thami, and that there are at present no Christians among them. The easy availability of such information itself clearly indicates the organizational sophistication of the evangelical project in general.

The power and potential of literature or the written language have not been overlooked by evangelists despite the fact that Nepal’s adult literacy rate is as low as 27.0% (RCSS 1998: 8). I would suggest that this emphasis is morea long term strategy looking into the future, rather than a short term strategy geared for present needs. For instance, in 1992, the Nepal Bible Society distributed 5, 896 copies of the Bible, 14, 126 tracts of the New Testament, and 183, 450 other booklets, and 557, 300 pamphlets (Shah 1993: 38).Similarly, many other organizations also distribute evangelical literature through mail, while audio and film versions of religious tracts are also available for screening or listening. On the other hand, the New Testament is now available in 15 local dialects other than Nepali. These include, Gurung, Newari, Tamang, Rai, Chepang, Kham, Magar etc.Much of this literature is co-produced by the Nepal Bible Society and the International Bible Society (Shah 1993: 38). In addition, the number of Christian book stores in the country has also increased in recent times as have the number of regular Christian publications published in Nepal itself.These publications include monthly newsletters such as Kanchan, Udgoshana and magazines such as Mahan and Bodhartha as well as English language publications such as The Good News of Nepal. This relatively large output of literature takes place irrespective of the low rate of literacy in the country.The rationale for this strategy is not immediately clear, unless of course it is assumed that these activities are part of a long termsstrategy. One foreign evangelist involved in the production and distribution of such literature in Nepal observed:

“Much of these are currently meant for people in the cities and others who can read. But to own a Bible or religious literature one does not have to read. For many of them, having these in itself is a source of strength.When their children grow up, they will be familiar with this material.And that generation probably will be able to read them too. It is that generation that we hope would become Christians.”

But there are many who are also quite skeptical of the effect of this literature. For instance, Catholic activists in Nepal who places the least emphasis on proselytizing today, are quite wary of the bombardment of literature. Their skepticism was summarized by one Catholic professional in Kathmandu:

“In Nepal, given the prevailing conditions, one cannot expect people to read. If at all, you have to preach to them. But for these fundamentalists, the Bible is everything. And since they have the money it is easy to print and distribute Bibles and other literature in large numbers. They measure their success on the basis of the volume of things they distribute. But whether people read them, throw them away or use them as wrapping paper is quite another thing. For them one Bible distributed means the birth of a Christian. But that may not be so.”

The criticism leveled against evangelists above has much merit in the contemporary context. But whether such activity would pay off in the long run as many evangelists expect, is something that remains to be seen.The greater success of the evangelical project comes from much more visible activities directly addressing the problems ordinary people face on a daily basis.

Education is yet another important arena of evangelical activity.As a matter of fact, elite education in the modern sense in Nepal began with the opening of St. Xavier’s School for boys in Kathmandu in the early 1950s by Jesuits.Today, they have such schools in Pokhara, Gorkha and Damak.While the Catholics still have an edge over elite education in Nepal, evangelical groups have also entered the realm of education. For instance, UMN is also involved in a number of education programs in many parts of the country. Though UMN started a number of schools early on in its activities, they were later nationalized by the government. After that, it provided teachers for some schools. In Pokhara UMN was involved in developing Gandaki Boarding School as the country’s first regional school where students were given instruction in English medium (UMN & INF 1989-1990). In addition, UMN carries out teacher training programmes in its campuses in Pokhara and Butwal, while it also runs a Business school in Kathmandu to train Nepalis for secretarial and related work (UMN & INF 1989-1990). In association with the government, the UMN has also started the Karnali Technical School in Jumla, one of the most remote areas of the country (UMN & INF 1989-1990). In addition, many small evangelical groups are also involved in providing basic education for children such as nursery classes.

The other major activity a large number of evangelical groups are involved in could be broadly categorized as rural and industrial development.Again, UMN is the leader in this field in so far as evangelical groups are concerned. But many smaller groups are involved in different aspects of such ventures as well. A separate institutional structure specifically dealing with rural development as such, was added to UMN’s extensive institutional organization in 1986 (UMN & INF 1989-1990). The organization’s own rationale for creating a rural development structure has been explained in the following words reminiscent of the rhetoric of the so called participatory development processes:

“In creating UMN’s RD (rural development) work, the essential shift in thinking was away from offering services at a distance, to a commitment to live in those communities and let the people decide what we are to become involved in” (UMN & INF 1989-1990).

In practical terms, the interest in rural development and the commitment to base their operations in specifically selected areas, gives UMN a visible institutional presence in these areas.It was not merely a situation where “experts” visited for a few days to “advise” local people on farming techniques etc. In that sense, the rural development program expanded UMN institutional network and the sphere of influence.UMN has developed a support system to implement its rural development projects. The most important component of this system consists of fieldworkers who are based in the actual locations where specific programs are initiated (UMN & INF 1989-1990). Like most of its projects UMN argues that a presence is established in an area to carry out its rural development work “with the full consent and support of the respective government department” (UMN & INF 1989-1990). It is interesting however, that in this statement no reference is made to the consent of the local people. In any event, critics see such work in a much more different light than UMN’s official position.As one Hindu based in Kathmandu observed:

“Lets face it. Rural development is no different from offering medical services or education. They are all devices for the Christians to propagate their faith.If they cannot do that, there will be no rural development projects, or schools or anything else.”

When it comes toindustrial development, the UMN has a rather extensive organizational and institutional structure as well as a visible sphere of influence. Moreover, it has undertaken some serious initiatives and achieved a number of spectacular results. As such, the organization has a monopoly in this area, which in many ways rivals the efforts of the state.One of the strengths of UMN has been its large size and ability to generate extensive operational funds. These abilities have given it the means to work on large scale and ambitious projects. For instance, in 1993 UMN had a budget of US$ 10 million, and 35 different projects were in operation in different parts of Nepal (Shah 1993: 39).In many ways, UMN has been a pioneer in a number of successful and much needed industrial projects, including the generation of hydro electric power. For instance, it was through its intervention and financial support that the following electrification projects were started: the 12 Mega Watt (MW) Jhimruk Project in Pyuthan, the 5 MW Andi Kola Project in Syanjha and the 60 MW Khimti Project in Ramechhap (Shah 1993: 39, UMN & INF 1989-1990). Andi Kola project has been conceptualized not simply as a hydro electric venture, but also as an integrated rural development project which attempts to provide rural electrification, irrigation, resource conservation, literacy work and the supply of drinking water (UMN & INF 1989-1990). The significance in these projects is not merely the group’s contributions towards electricity generation in the country, but building indigenous capacity for power generation.

On the other hand, many of the larger UMN projects, particularly in industrial development, do not represent situations of pumping money into some unviable ventures, but initiating and running successful businesses and essential services. For instance, the hydro-electric power projects referred to above were coordinated and implemented by three of itsaffiliated companies which are, among other things, engaged in consultancy services, turbine manufacture and construction.

According to UMN itself, the organization’s involvement in industrial development began in 1963 after the establishment of the Butwal Technical Institute to train Nepalis in the fields of mechanics, metal work, construction trades, electronics and accounting (UMN & INF 1989-1990). The four year courses at the institute are designed as production cum training operations where what is produced by the trainees as part of their training is sold, which in turn help cover costs (UMN & INF 1989-1990). UMN has stated that the rationale for its involvement in the industrial sector grew out of the belief that it is necessary to “develop and adapt technologies which are appropriate for production and use in Nepal” (UMN & INF 1989-1990).Specifically to deal with industrial research, UMN has also established an agency called the Development and Consultancy Services (UMN & INF 1989-1990). Through this research organization and UMN manufacturing ventures, the technologies and products that have been developed for use in Nepal include bio-gas technology, specialized pumps for village water supply, water driven mills for food processing, milling and mustard oil extraction, and low wattage cookers for village electrification (UMN & INF 1989-1990).

But even as an institution, UMN should not be taken only as a story of success.It appears that its larger projects, organized as business ventures, are clearly not only successes but also ventures that provide services while making profits.But like many smaller projects undertaken by numerous evangelical groups, smaller UMN projects have run into problems and criticisms. One of the better documented cases of failure is UMN’s community development program in the village of Toplang in Dhading, which was launched in 1990 through its affiliated organization, the Natural Resources Management Project (NRMP). The project’s aims were to inculcate a sense of general awareness about community development in the first year, and to initiate community forest management programs in the next two years.To implement the program the NRMP selected a villager who was a community leader who was to work as a development worker (Mainali 1997: 33).

As part of the project, every household was encouraged to construct pit latrines, which improved sanitary conditions while the setting up of taps to supply drinking water also meant that the time consumed for fetching water could be saved considerably.In addition, large scale re-forestation was undertaken (Mainali 1997: 34). NRMP phased out from Toplang in 1993, and from other nearby villages in latter years (Mainali 1997: 34).That phasing out marked the end of the apparent success of the project.Due to lack of maintenance, most of the latrines collapsed, and villagers seem to have lost interest in community development very soon. Under these conditions, they burnt the forest to make charcoal, which brought them good and quick money in Kathmandu (Mainali 1997: 34). As Mainali has observed within a very short period of time “Toplang lost trace of most of what it had achieved between 1990 and 1993” (Mainali 1997: 34).

In many ways, what happened in Toplang is indicative of project failures not merely in evangelical ventures, but development projects in general.According to the community leader who was recruited by the NRMP to provide local leadership for its project, the reason for failure was the phasing out of the project at a time when people’s expectations had been raised, and just when the “villagers had started to gather momentum” (Mainali 1997: 34). Moreover, further frustration set in when villagers could not generate external assistance to keep the project running (Mainali 1997: 34). A more important reason which is directly relevant to this analysis has been offered by the man who directed NRMP initiatives in Toplang. According to him, the villagers lost confidence in the community leader selected by the NRMP when he decided to become a Christian (Mainali 1997: 34). According to some reports, local villagers who were mostly Buddhists and Hindus had also complained to local authorities regarding the conversion of this key individual(Mainali 1997: 34).

The conversion of this individual as the main reason for the project’s failure is not without merit.For one thing, it comes from within the NRMP itself.Second, in 1994 the Chief district Officer of Dhading had expressed concerns over the activities of two foreign NRMP workers in the area.This government officer thought that these two individuals were more interested in proselytizing than on development (Mainali 1997: 35). One argument is that the initial inducement for the community leader and his daughter to convert came from these two individuals. If these arguments are correct, then it would appear as Mainali has argued that, “what was done by NRMP as an organization was undone by two of its own staff” (Mainali 1997: 35).

In the discussion thus far I have outlined the emphasis placed on medical and health services, education, rural and industrial development and other such development initiatives by evangelical groups in Nepal, particularly the important and influential groups such as UMN, INF, TEAM etc. Within this context, I would like to pose two questions to continue with my analysis: is there a serious religious basis or evangelical agenda in these projects?Alternatively, are these services simply provided for the sake of social services and the betterment of human lives where religion plays no role?It seems to me that the case of Toplang I have discussed in the previous section has given some provisional answers to these questions.In any event, an investigation into these kinds of questions would be a hazardous journey given the nature of emotions and sentiments involved, and depending on who one talks to.Shah makes the following observations with regard to this issue:

“While some missionary agencies may be ambivalent about whether they want to ‘do development’ or use it merely as a means to proselytize, most are committed to the latter ---the proselytizing compulsion seems to take the higher priority for almost every organization” (Shah 1993: 39)

Commenting further on the correlation between the social service and development agenda of evangelical groups on one hand, and their religious or proselytizing agenda on the other, Shah further argues that:

“With emphasis on saving the soul rather than the body, development work and social service are only the means to an end, a means to win heathen souls for Christ now, or if that is not feasible immediately, to prepare the ground for future conversions” (Shah 1993: 40).

On the other hand, this correlation is something that a number of evangelical workers did acknowledge in private, even though almost never in any public forums. Nevertheless, certain actions and expressed opinions on the part of some of these organizations also make it clear that the materialist and religious agendas are closely linked. For instance, take the Friends of Tansen, the newsletter published by the UMN hospital in Tansen. While giving news about staff training, available facilities and other medical and hospital news, the newsletter also presents some ideas which have a clear religious bias or agenda. For one thing, the motto on the title page of the newsletter reads: “We Serve; Jesus Heals” (Friends of Tansen, # 4, 1997).Similarly, the news of the death of a UMN worker and a brief sketch on another female UMN worker at Tansen are clearly presented within a Christian religious idiom. Thus the dead man is remembered as a person who was willing to work for people, “a willingness that sprang from his compassion for others and love for Jesus Christ” (Friends of Tansen, # 4, 1997: 6). In the same vein, the woman identified as Sister Manumit is quoted as saying that her ability to work with patients was a gift, and a “special blessing from God” (Friends of Tansen, # 4, 1997: 6). Such insertions of course go a long way in establishing the religious emphasis of the organization, particularly in a context where the views of other religionists who also work for the organization or benefit from its work are absent in these texts.

On the other hand, since the initial days of missionary intrusion into Nepal, the nature and goals of social service have pre-occupied many evangelistswho have come to the country since the 1950s. This has particularly been the case due to the fact that when the Nepali governments since the 1950s allowed various missions to operate in the country, it was primarily to gain their money and expertise in ‘developing’ the country. In that context, the General Agreements signed between the post 1950s governments and the missions, expressly prohibited proselytizing, and made it clear that missions should only work towards achieving the goals of various development projects for which they had been granted permission.It is in this context of contradictory expectations of the missions/churches and the Nepali state that Lindell makes the following observations in his book Nepal and the Gospel of God:

“The term in the Agreement which restricts converting and the term allowing many forms of service both have sent the Mission into deep study of the New Testament to understand better just what the Lord assigns it to do in the place where it is” (Lindell 1997: 255).

Specifically talking about the United Mission to Nepal, Lindell further states that missionaries/evangelists have found certain answers to these questions in the New Testamentitself:

“The Mission finds Jesus’ words after His resurrection aparticularly fine summary of His overall instructions to disciples about mission when He said, ‘Peace be with you. As the Father sent me, even so I send you (John 20: 21)” (Lindell 1997: 255).

“Another instruction in the Letter to Colossians has prodded the Mission people over the years to study, prayer and application in their lives. They have placed it as an aim in their Constitution. It is the word: ‘Whatever you do, in word or deed, do everything in the name of the Lord Jesus’ (Col. 3: 17)” (Lindell 1997: 255-256).

I would suggest that the quotations above identified by Lindell places in context the manner in which evangelical activities, in all their forms, can be placed within a religious paradigm.In fact, that is usually the way it is done, as the examples from the Friends of Tansen quoted above also illustrate. The point is that, in the final analysis there is no clear division as secular and religious in the activities of evangelists.That is, all secular and materialist projects are ultimately based on a religious or evangelical principle, which is to spread the word of god.However, in the process of operationalizing this religious ideal, much needed services also get done as the discussion above would have illustrated.

Compared to the situation in Sri Lanka, there is a major difference in the nature of the evangelical presence and activity in Nepal. In Nepal, the collective evangelical movement occupies a rather entrenched position in important sections within Nepali society and economy.Thus the evangelists are a dominant presence in fields such as the health-care sector, education, and industrial development. Thus, the state itself is dependent upon their presence and continued support.This has in a sense created an extremely powerful operational structure within large evangelical organizations such as UMN. Moreover, as a collective of groups, such organizations are able to carry out services in a much more efficientmanner than the parallel state structures. In this sense, it would appear that evangelical presence and their service sector activities have become an essential part of routine Nepali reality.

However, at this point I would hasten to make one minor observation.That is, even though I have attempted to make a distinction betweenservice and proselytizing, at another level it may not be easy to separate these categories. I have already raised this issue in the latter part of the chapter dealing with the situation in Sri Lanka.Stated more specifically, in the context of Christian tradition in general, it may be difficult to conceptually separate service activities of evangelical groups from their proselytizing activities, given the fact that proselytizing itself and service have tremendous biblical backing. I would attempt to explore this issue further in the conclusion.